Monday, October 28, 2013

Recent LWV Ballot Issues Forum

Recent LWV Ballot Issues Forum


http://www.durangogov.org/index.aspx?NID=713

Would Amendment 66 be a big win for charter schools? DRO Herald- 10-28-13


Would Amendment 66 be a big win for charter schools?

Animas High School sees a boon; others see missed opportunity
Photo by: SHAUN STANLEY/Durango Herald
Animas High School figures to receive around $450 per student for construction costs if Amendment 66 passes. Animas High juniors take a break from the classroom and work in the hallway Monday morning during humanities class. From left are Ashton Cornett, Cole Hawkins, Bryn Joyner, Lana Clark and Marisa Looney.

By Joe Hanel Herald staff writer
Advertisements for Amendment 66 say the proposed tax increase will help fund art, music and physical education. But for Animas High School Executive Director Michael Ackerman, the only subject that matters is math.

If voters pass the income tax hike, his school stands to receive $450 per student to cover construction costs. When Ackerman multiplies $450 by Animas High’s 400 students, he comes up with a number that’s about $40,000 shy of his school’s annual debt service.
“We’d still be fundraising, but it’s a lot more digestible gap,” he said.

Around the state, charter schools have greeted Amendment 66 with a mix of support and skepticism.

Animas High would be one of the big winners if voters opt to raise income taxes by about $1 billion a year. It’s a different picture in Cortez, where Southwest Open School officials are unsure of the amendment’s benefits for their school.

One estimate by the Legislature’s staff members shows Southwest Open School and Battle Rock Charter School, west of Cortez, stand to get $179,000 and $83,000 respectively. But Jennifer Carter, director of Southwest Open School, does not know if those projections are accurate.

“The formula is going to be pretty complex, so to run numbers would be challenging,” Carter said.

Because of the unclear effects of Amendment 66 on all charter schools, the Colorado League of Charter Schools has decided not to advocate for or against it.

And one retired Democratic legislator says the amendment is such a missed opportunity for charter schools that he has joined the mostly Republican opposition campaign.
For Ackerman, though, the math is clear. Academic results at his school are on the rise, even though the budget is falling.

“It’s not sustainable. I’m pretty much out of magic tricks when it comes to fundraising,” Ackerman said. “There is no fluff in the Animas High School budget.”

Ackerman’s teachers have never had a raise, although they got a bonus from a donor at the end of the school’s second year.

“People are going to have to do right by their families. They’ve got bills. They’ve got graduate degrees they’re still paying off. They’re going to look elsewhere,” Ackerman said.
Bob Hagedorn, a Democratic former state senator from Aurora, said he thinks amendment supporters did just enough for charter schools to ward off their opposition.

The amendment is a missed opportunity to fund expansions of high-performing charter schools with long wait lists, Hagedorn said. He’s not worried that charters will suffer if the amendment fails.

“Certainly, Colorado has demonstrated we can have good production with the revenue they are currently receiving,” Hagedorn said. “A billion dollars just seems a bit excessive.”
Although it’s neutral, the Colorado League of Charter Schools does see an upside.
“It would be an advantage to the majority of charter schools across the state,” said the group’s president, Nora Flood.

However, urban schools with more at-risk students would benefit more, while the effects on rural charter schools are less clear, Flood said.

Charter schools that are authorized by the state – like Animas – would get more out of Amendment 66 than schools chartered through a local school district, such as Southwest Open.

The amendment requires local districts to share their mill levy overrides with state-chartered schools in their area. But for schools chartered through a district, the amendment only requires districts to negotiate with their charter schools about how to share the mill levy.

State-chartered schools also do better under Amendment 66’s payments for construction, which Ackerman calls the Achilles’ heel of the charter school movement. Nondistrict charters that have their own buildings would get $450 per student, compared with $100 per student for schools operating in buildings owned by the school district.

If Amendment 66 passes, the state’s 4.63 income tax rate would rise to 5 percent on income of $75,000 or less and 5.9 percent on income more than $75,000.


Amendment 66 Article-DRO Telegraph-Volume XII, No. 43, Oct. 24, 2

An Animas High School student sits in the hallway Tuesday afternoon, working on his computer. Charter schools like Animas, which is modeled after High Tech High in California, could get more funding from the state under the new law associated with Amendment 66./Photo by Steve Eginoire


Getting schooled
Voters to decide on billion-dollar plan; plus
9-R board candidates and changes by Tracy Chamberlin

The current education system in Southwest Colorado could be getting schooled this November with the potential for big changes on the ballot.

Voters are being asked to consider reshaping the structure of public education funding in Colorado with Amendment 66; reducing the size of the Durango school board with Question 3A; and electing several members for that board’s next session.

This week, the Telegraph breaks down these issues, examing the two ballot measures and giving readers a chance to meet the candidates vying for their votes.

It’s not just about the tax hike that would add a billion dollars to the public education coffers in Colorado. Amendment 66 also introduces several changes to the current funding system, essentially restructuring it.

The first step in the process was passing Senate Bill 213 this past spring.

Introduced by Sen. Mike Johnston, D-Denver, the 141-page law replaces the 1994 School Funding Act and changes how much each school district gets per student and why. It also attempts to address how the state can fill the budget gap in lean years an how to make the whole process more transparent.

Of course, the billion-dollar question for voters is the tax hike. Under the state’s Taxpayer Bill of Rights only voters can approve higher taxes, which is why Amendment 66, part of SB 213, is on the November ballot.

Currently, residents pay a flat rate of 4.63 percent on their income. The new rate would be two-tiered, meaning that higher incomes would be taxed at higher rates.

Those making under $75,000 would pay a rate of 5 percent and those more than
$75,000 would pay a rate of 5.9 percent. For a Durango family making around $50,000, the uptick in taxes would be between $100 and $150 a year.

The fiscal school year runs from July to June, so in the first year, which would be 2013-14, these tax increases would mean an extra $452 million. The first full year in 2014-15 would bring in $950.1 million and that number would go up to more than $1 billion starting in 2015-16.
Then there’s the change to where all that money goes.

The new law restructures the formula for how much each student gets, channeling more money to early-childhood education, at-risk students and English-language learners. Durango is one of the districts that would ultimately benefit from this new formula, getting almost $500 more per student.
Another part of SB 213 is the creation of the State Educational Achievement Fund. With at least 43 percent of Colorado income and sales taxes going to education, this fund would be an account where monies collected during high times could sit until they are needed during lean times. Like a back-up plan, this is meant to give the state an option besides cutting school funding during a recession.

How much would you pay?
Under the Amendment 66, the income tax rate for Coloradans would go up either 5 or 5.9 percent. To figure out exactly how much that might be, residents can go online and enter in their taxable income atwww.colorado.gov/cs/Satellite/CGA-LegislativeCouncil/CLC/1251644845398


Amendment 66 It addresses what ails state’s education system- DRO Herald Editorial- 10-28-13


Amendment 66

It addresses what ails state’s education system
School funding across Colorado will be much improved by the passage of Amendment 66. In it, more money will be allocated to schools with students from low-income families and those in small districts, and the critical teacher and principal performance evaluation requirements will be properly funded. Money will be available for specially tailored programs that are known to bring learning improvements, and principals will be able to play a bigger role in creating their own school’s budget. Principals, closer to their students than a central administrative office, know what is best.

The money to do all these things, about $1 billion in the first year, will come from income taxes. The current Colorado rate of 4.63 percent of adjusted income will increase to 5 percent on amounts less than $75,000, and to 5.9 percent on amounts above $75,000. Nationally, only about 50 percent of Americans pay income taxes. Colorado’s percent may be slightly higher than that because the state’s average family income level is in the highest quartile, but not much.

The $1 billion will return Colorado’s public school funding to about $7,400 per pupil, or about what it was prior to the recession.

Looking directly to state income taxes for school funding is a first for Colorado. Tapping that new source, taxing those who make the money, will make it possible for the Legislature to fund other state needs that have been second-best. Higher education, for one. The state’s colleges receive only a minimal amount of per student funding, among the lowest in the nation. Students are paying more of their own way, and can graduate with considerable debt.
Colorado had been a leader in providing close to equal education funding across the state, but fell behind in recent years. Amendment 66 will go a long way toward rectifying that.
Significantly, Amendment 66 will also cancel Amendment 23, a well-intention voter-approved amendment in 2000 that required public education to be funded at a higher level than turned out to be economically possible. An annual inflation-adjusted increase will continue, but as a statute rather than as a constitutional mandate as in Amendment 23. Thus, the Legislature will be able to address it as economic conditions change.

Critics of Amendment 66 claim that among other things it will shift tax revenue from wealthier school districts to those less wealthy. But the revenue in Amendment 66 is income-tax revenue, and state income taxes have never been tied to particular municipalities, counties or school districts. State income taxes are taxes that are pooled in a sense, along with the state’s sales tax and state fees, to provide funds for needs and commitments across the state.

Amendment 66 is complex with multiple components, but its passage will immediately address in targeted ways much of what ails the state’s pre-kindergarten through high school education system.

Amendment 66 deserves a “yes” vote.


Thursday, October 24, 2013

Interesting School Choice Article- From HKS fall 2013




EDUCATION

The Choices Behind School Choice in Boston

Edward GlaeserFaculty ResearcherEdward Glaeser, Fred and Eleanor Glimp Professor of Economics, Harvard University, Director, Rappaport Institute for Greater Boston, Harvard Kennedy SchoolPaper TitleWhat Do Parents Want? An Exploration of School Preferences Expressed by Boston ParentsCoauthorsSteve Poftak, Executive Director, Rappaport Institute for Greater Boston; Kristina Tobio, Assistant Director, Taubman Center for State and Local Government; Harvard Kennedy School
The Boston Public Schools (BPS) system is undergoing a major overhaul of its school assignment process. Until recently under an arrangement in place since 1988, families submitted a list of their preferred schools, but they might not get their top choice or, in fact, any of several top choices. The city was divided into three geographic zones, and in order to fill enrollment at all the schools, students were sometimes bused from one end of Boston to another. This approach grew out of a 1974 federal court order to end racial segregation in the city’s schools and to redress imbalances in educational quality and opportunities.
Boston looks a lot different now than it did 40 years ago: Total enrollment in the public schools has dropped from roughly 96,000 to 56,000, and white children make up just one sixth of the student population, compared with about two-thirds in 1974. The school system’s new plan does away with mandated busing in the hope that this will enhance social cohesion in neighborhoods as well as save money. Each year $80 million was spent to ferry students crosstown; now some of this is being plowed back into classrooms.
While BPS worked out the details of its new school assignment system, Edward Glaeser, Glimp Professor of Economics, and Kennedy School researchers Steve Poftak and Kristina Tobio decided to find out what criteria parents rely on most heavily in choosing among schools. Rankings of the city’s most popular and least popular schools have been available for years, but Glaeser
and his colleagues identified the key factors that make a particular school desirable or not.
The authors focused on placement preferences for three years—kindergarten, sixth grade, and ninth grade—which they call “the gateway years for elementary school, middle school, and high school, respectively.” Rather than dwell on the tendency of people to select schools that are close to their homes, all other things being equal, or the fact that schools in neighborhoods heavily populated with college graduates tend to be in greater demand than schools in areas by less educated residents, the study concentrated on the intrinsic features of a given school.
In particular, Glaeser and his collaborators found that scores on the statewide standardized tests called MCAS (Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System) “play a dominant role in determining parental preferences for kindergarten and ninth grade.” (The correlation between test scores and parental preferences is “weak,”’ however, for students entering sixth grade. Although this finding appears puzzling, it may simply reflect the complexity of the Boston system, in which selected students attend prestigious “exam schools” like Boston Latin from grades seven through twelve, and promising students targeted for exam schools are often asked to switch schools in grade four or five.)
Although parents strongly value higher test scores in their school choices, the authors raise questions about the extent to which elevated test scores reflect the ability levels of students entering a given school as opposed to the superiority of the education offered there. “We still need to come up with more comprehensive and durable measures of school quality than MCAS scores,” Poftak says.
Parents put more stock in a school’s average test scores than in attributes such as the square footage per pupil, having a gym, ready access to computers and the Internet, and the availability of art, music, and various extracurricular programs. The authors issue a caveat on this score: “The presence of computers and gyms [for example] might have positive effects on student skills and health that have significant social value. Further research is needed before leaping to any definitive policy recommendations.”
Nevertheless, by putting academics first, “parents are displaying reasonable preferences,” they write. It is therefore important to pay attention to what parents think, Poftak adds, especially in a school system “engaged in a multi-decade struggle to retain and attract students.”
- by Steve Nadis

Tuesday, October 22, 2013

Marijuana tax would boost school funds- POSt Independent Online- 10-22-13


Marijuana tax would boost school funds
A proposed statewide tax on the new recreational marijuana trade would steer an estimated $27.5 million per year into a special fund that provides construction grants for public school facilities across Colorado.

In addition to a 10 percent tax on consumer sales to support state and local regulation of the industry, Proposition AA proposes a 15 percent excise tax on the wholesale end between suppliers and retailers.

The campaign group in favor of the proposal, Committee for Responsible Regulation, estimates the excise tax will generate $27.5 million annually for the state’s Building Excellent Schools Today (BEST) program.

Up to $40 million per year in future taxes could go to public school construction under the proposal, which is before Colorado voters in the Nov. 5 mail ballot election.

It’s one of the primary selling points touted by the pro-Prop AA campaign, according to a statement read at the Glenwood Springs Chamber Resort Association’s Issues & Answers Forum last week.

The money allocated to the BEST program will go to “renew and renovate old facilities, address air quality issues and overcrowding in Colorado schools,” according to the statement.

BEST grants are awarded annually through a competitive application process, utilizing a mix of lottery and state land trust funds and requiring a local match, according to Ted Hughes, director of capital construction assistance for the Colorado Department of Education.

“This would allow us to take care of a lot more public school needs around the state, and increase the amount of funding we are able to work with,” he said of the proposed marijuana tax.

Since its creation in 2008, the BEST program has awarded $795 million in school construction grants, including recent awards for two charter schools in the Roaring Fork Valley, the Aspen Community School and Ross Montessori School in Carbondale.

Ross Montessori remains on a wait list to receive an $11.8 million BEST grant, while it awaits theoutcome of several local bond issue proposals intended for school districts to meet their matching requirement. The school, which operates under the state Charter School Institute, is also still working to obtain zoning and development approvals for a new school site.

Opponents of Prop AA, represented by the No Over Taxation campaign committee, argue that the combined sales and excise taxes are too high and will stifle the potential economic benefit from the new recreational marijuana trade.

“The debate rarely focuses on the boon economy that marijuana has the potential to be,” according to the committee’s statement, which also was read at the Glenwood Chamber forum.

“Considering that marijuana is already a multi-billion dollar black market industry ... it is safe to assume that the potential for economic growth in Colorado is much more than predicted,” according to the anti-tax campaign. “Between tourism and marijuana enthusiasts through the state, there will be plenty of revenue to pay for schools and regulation enforcement.”

Under Prop AA, 15 percent of revenues generated from the 10 percent retail sales tax would be directed back to the municipalities and counties that have agreed to allow retail marijuana sales.

Locally, that would include the city of Glenwood Springs and the town of Carbondale, but would exclude Garfield County, which adopted an ordinance prohibiting all types of recreational marijuana businesses in unincorporated areas.

Amendment 64, approved by Colorado voters last year, legalized the possession of limited amounts of marijuana for persons age 21 and over and opened the door for retail sales. It also allowed local jurisdictions to ban retail activity within their boundaries.


“This would allow us to take care of a lot more public school needs around the state, and increase the amount of funding we are able to work with.” Ted Hughes Colorado Department of Education

Monday, October 21, 2013

Colorado's Amendment 66 ignites battle over PERA pension contributions- Denver Post-10-21-13


Colorado's Amendment 66 ignites battle over PERA pension contributions

By Lynn Bartels
The Denver Post


Read more: Colorado's Amendment 66 ignites battle over PERA pension contributions - The Denver Post http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_24357552/colorados-amendment-66-ignites-battle-over-pera-pension#ixzz2j2HDgG5Y
Read The Denver Post's Terms of Use of its content: http://www.denverpost.com/termsofuse 
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Opponents of a $950 million tax increase for education have seized on comments by Gov. John Hickenlooper to bolster their claim that if Amendment 66 passes, the money will be used to "backfill" the state's pension system instead of going to students.
The dispute signals a broader argument that has been brewing since the inception of Amendment 66. Opponents claim the tax hike is a coup for unions and an ailing retirement system, while supporters argue language in the ballot measure makes it clear the money has nothing do with fulfilling current obligations to the Public Employees Retirement Association.
"PERA is a totally separate issue from Amendment 66," said state Sen. Mike Johnston, D-Denver, the architect of the ballot measure.
He and other supporters of Amendment 66, which is on the Nov. 5 ballot, called the PERA issue a red herring, a gotcha and the latest Hail Mary pass from opponents wanting to kill the measure.
Denver Republican Joshua Sharf, a blogger who heads The PERA Project for the free-market Independence Institute think tank, asked the governor Oct. 8 about Amendment 66 and PERA at an event where Hickenlooper was touting the ballot measure.
Sharf waited until Oct. 16 — the day after ballots first were mailed to voters — to write a blog post about their exchange. "Gov. Hickenlooper admits: Districts can use Amendment 66 money for PERA," the headline blared.
But did he?
"The headline is grossly misleading," Hickenlooper told The Denver Post.
Critics of Sharf's blog said the governor was answering a question about a 2010 PERA reform measure, which requires employees and their employers to increase their contributions to help reduce pension liabilities. State workers pay the additional contribution amount required, but most school districts — thus the taxpayers — have borne the costs that were to be shared with their employees.
"They have not split it; they've just swallowed it," Hickenlooper said, during the exchange with Sharf.
"Right, that's what I mean, is that they've basically just swallowed it," Sharf said.
"Well, if you want to fix that, if that's what's happening, then we can't legislate that," Hickenlooper replied, in part. "There's a certain amount of money that goes into the districts, and that is the way our education system is structured."
Sharf said the exchange formed the basis for his blog post and his headline.
"I believe the opposition read into a comment by our governor to make it say what they wanted it to say when the truth is Amendment 66 has nothing to do with PERA," said Lynea Hansen, executive director of Secure PERA, a coalition of retirees and government employees.
Amendment 66 is a constitutional amendment that funnels new tax dollars into early-childhood education, at-risk students, English-language learners, charter schools and locally determined innovations.
Even if it fails, school districts still are obligated to pay into the retirement system, which lawmakers attempted to shore up with the bipartisan reform measure passed in 2010.
At the time the law was passed, the Jefferson County School District had frozen salaries, Superintendent Cindy Stevenson said.
The following year, the district cut salaries by 3 percent and the next year kept that 3 percent cut in place.
In the current school year, employees are back at their 2010 salary levels, she said.
In essence, she said, they have paid that increased PERA contribution required under Senate Bill 1.
"Our employees, I believe, have contributed more than fairly to their PERA," Stevenson said.
"Now, if we ever have money again and we are ever negotiating increases again and we can ever go more than 1 or 2 percent ... then I think it's a very fair, rationale conversation about what's the right balance."
Cherry Creek School District also absorbed the increase while preserving programs and class sizes, freezing some salaries, said Guy Bellville, the district's chief financial officer.
The Adams 12-Five Star school board did pass the additional PERA cost onto employees in the form of a 1.5 percent salary reduction in the 2012-13 school year, district spokesman Joe Ferdani said.
And a portion of a benefits compensation package for the current school year includes 1.5 percent for salary increases and 1 percent toward the additional PERA contribution, Ferdani said.
Lynn Bartels: 303-954-5327, lbartels@denverpost.com or twitter.com/lynn_bartels


Read more: Colorado's Amendment 66 ignites battle over PERA pension contributions - The Denver Post http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_24357552/colorados-amendment-66-ignites-battle-over-pera-pension#ixzz2j2H7uo91
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Sunday, October 20, 2013

Will Education Reform Kill The Common Core?



See the article here:http://educationopportunitynetwork.org/will-education-reform-kill-the-common-core/

Will Education Reform Kill The Common Core?


The latest news stories from the brave frontiers of a movement known as “education reform” are in, and the consensus view is that down continues to be the new up.
Personnel programs such as teacher merit pay that were supposed to improve the financial efficiency of schools are now being discarded for financial reasons. New competitive forms of schooling such as cyber charters that were supposed to reform the system through competition are now in need of “top-bottom reform.” Teachers who are held more accountable for children’s motivation to pursue education are discouraged to seek more education for themselves. Schools that aresupposed to rescue children from poverty are bearing the brunt of deep cuts in spending.
Amidst this colossally dysfunctional scenario descends the new national standards known as the Common Core, what many believe constituteseducation reform 2.0. Is it any wonder people are skeptical?
Whether you’re a big fan of the new standards or not, it should be clear that the old way of doing “education reform” will not work for the Common Core. Yet that seems to be the strategy rolling out, and no one seems to be coming forward to propose a better way forward.
Common Core Not  For Kids?
By all indicators, teachers are generally favorable to the new standards. But like its predecessor No Child Left Behind, the Common Core is proving to have many unanticipated consequences.
Who would have thought, for instance, that adopting new academic standards would necessitate kindergartners barely able to hold pencils being made to take bubble-in tests?
In states, such as New York, that are on the advanced guard of implementing the new standards and their accompanying tests, multiple choice tests are being pushed down to the youngest students, not because they’re good for the kids, but because they’re required to evaluate whether teachers are teaching according to the new standards.
Based on the report linked above in The Daily News, the exams are a “complete headache” for teachers, making the very act of testing “slow and traumatic.”
“Trying to get a proper answer was next to impossible,” the reporter observed, and teachers complained that the process caused their little pupils to “break down” and “cry.”
“‘Developmentally, it’s not the right thing to do,’ said one Queens teacher.”
New York is not alone in encountering unanticipated problems related to the new reforms. According to a report in The Washington Post, 14 states that have agreed to field-test the new exams linked to the Common Core are realizing that implementing the exams requires teaching little kids, from kindergarten up, to learn how to use a computer.
The standardized tests “require students to be able to manipulate a mouse; click, drag and type answers on a keyboard; and, starting in third grade, write online.” And while most elementary-age children are no strangers to technology, what they’re used to is operating those devices with “a swipe of a finger” rather than using them to compose a well-structured paragraph.
“It’s a huge deal,” said a California teacher who writes a popular blog called Ask A Tech Teacher. “All these elementary teachers are dying, worrying how they’re going to get their kids to meet these new requirements.”
The need to get little kids “to sit with two feet on the floor, elbows bent, hands hovering over keys and eyes on the screen” caused at least one Arizona teacher – like her colleague in New York struggling with paper-and-pencil tests – to wonder “whether developmentally, if it’s appropriate for kids.” A professor of educational psychology quoted in the article clarified: It’s not.
“The current Common Core is not developmentally appropriate,” she stated.
Setting Struggling Schools Further Behind?
Getting little kids up to expectations for implementing the Common Core seems difficult enough – now imagine what it’s like when they also don’t speak English.
That’s the situation for teachers in the lower Hudson Valley area of New York who have already seen how their predominantly Spanish-speaking students performed on the first go-round of new standards-based tests.
“We have children come to us in seventh, eighth, ninth grade with no English skills and little education,” explained the head of the local teachers’ association. Nevertheless, these children were supposed to meet the same assessment targets as their English speaking peers elsewhere in the state.
The test results weren’t pretty: over 80 percent of seventh- and eighth-graders failing in math, and 85 to as many as 92 percent of fourth- and fifth-graders missing state goals for English language arts.
Noted the reporter, “These districts are used to relatively low test results, as many students from poor, Spanish-speaking homes don’t develop rich language skills before reaching school age. But the new tests results have set them back further.”
Adaptations To Children Not Allowed?
Traditionally, when teachers encounter students who lack the readiness to tackle new academic work – whether for developmental, linguistic, or personal interest reasons – they’ve been trained to devise their own strategies for engaging the students in learning.
Implementing the Common Core may leave little room for this according to an Iowa teacher, Amy Prime, whose blog post about implementing the Common Core in her class went viral on the Internet. In her experience with the new standards, teachers are being given “new materials packaged and sold as magic bullets to cover everything Common Core” and told to “cover” those materials “without deviation.”
“I was trained as a teacher in the ’90s ” Prime explained. “We were taught to discover what our students were interested in and then create cross-curricular units of study that would build upon those interests to instigate learning.”
Elaborating in an interview with a local reporter, Prime expanded, “The problem is when districts chose to bring in [a] program that is purchased and marketed as covering the Common Core; then they insist upon teachers following that without deviation and fidelity.”
Further, Prime continued, “When you are required to spend 90 minutes to two hours a day on a specific program that [school officials] purchased … it shuts out other things. A huge majority of our day has to be focused on teaching reading and math. But what does that do for science, what does that do for physical education, what does that do for the arts, what does that do for social studies and history and all of those things that are important to a well-rounded education? It just narrows the focus down, and it hurts kids.”
Your Opinion Doesn’t Matter?
Even the biggest fan of the Common Core would have to admit, “Houston, we have a problem.”
But the old ways of doing reform – NCLB’s command-control driven administration, demanding compliance or else – seem to apply with the implementation of the Common Core.
Dismissing teachers’ concerns about the inappropriateness of using bubble tests with kindergarteners, a New York department of education official responded that the new tests were just examples of “multiple tools” that every teacher “should” want to employ in order to “diagnose what students already know and what they need help with.”
“I can tell when a student needs help,” replied a Staten Island veteran. “I don’t have to give them a test.” But who believes her opinion will be heard?
Some teachers who are struggling to get their students’ keyboarding skills up to the proficiency required for Common Core testing may get a reprieve and use pencil-and-paper versions for the first year, depending on which type of test their state has chosen. But is a reprieve just a delay in implementing a potentially mistaken policy?
Teachers in New York who are seeing their progress set back because the new tests are not accommodating to the needs of students struggling with English got a visit from State Education Commissioner John King. The teachers explained, “They are trying to embrace the new Common Core learning standards despite a lack of money and the challenges posed by a student body with a wide range of English skills.”
According to the reporter, King “had no easy answers on how to address the test-score gap.” And he took the opportunity to opine, “We have to do a lot better as a state – and as a country – to help English-language learners acquire English skills.” To which one would imagine any thoughtful teacher replying, “Of course. But that’s not the point.”
Responding to teacher Amy Prime, who felt coerced to use Common Core aligned curriculum that narrowed the learning experiences of her students,her state’s Elementary Educational Services Director expressed no doubt that what his office is imposing “is working.” His proof?
“It’s making a difference in the performance of students,” which really means, “Test scores are up.” In other words, rather than taking into account authentic classroom experiences and the voices of teachers, test scores – the criteria that has ruled since the imposition of NCLB – remain the order of the day.
A Revolt In The Offing?
Will teachers and parents who witnessed the collapse of NCLB and education reform 1.0 get steamrolled by the same sort of mistaken top-down, test-driven process again?
“No way,” declared a mass audience gathered recently in upstate New York.
Writing for a Buffalo, NY newspaper, a reporter observed, “Reform of high-stakes testing for schoolchildren, a groundswell movement of lawn signs and small-scale protests, became an earthquake Wednesday evening.”
The event drew an audience large enough to reach the rafters of a local music performance hall but also included a host of political leaders that “looked like a Western New York State Legislature roll call.” The speeches tapped disgruntled teachers and parents who take issue with the reform agenda of high-stakes testing and teacher evaluations linked to student test scores.
“We’ve had a lot of quote-unquote educational reform in the past decades aimed at poor schools in the cities,” declared one state assemblyman, “But now all schools are feeling the pain, regardless of their previous performance. This is why you see a lot of suburban parents here tonight. They’re all being treated poorly. They’re mad about these tests.”
Echoing the discontent up-state from them, New Yorkers clogged a Poughkeepsie PTA-sponsored forum – originally intended to be the first in a series – to express their dissent to State Commissioner King about how the Common Core is being rolled out in their schools.
video captured the event, as speaker after speaker rose to declare that the current agenda for education reform must “stop, stop, stop,” that the implementation of new standards and tests is being rushed, and that an imposed one-size-fits-all education program herds students into data points and percentages rather than engaging them as learners with individual and unique needs.
“These citizens are raising concerns which, prior to this event, have not been given a chance to be aired,” noted Education Week blogger Anthony Cody, “The frustration at their lack of input is palpable.”
Award-winning Long Island principal Carol Burris, writing at Valerie Strauss’ blog at The Washington Post, described the frustration: “By the last half hour of the evening, the audience was both boisterous and impassioned, angered because there was limited opportunity to speak. What little time remained for the audience was twice interrupted by Commissioner John King, who had held the floor for an hour and a half.”
“‘My will be done’ has been the tone and the tenor of chaotic reform in New York,” Burris continued. “In its rush to implement teacher evaluations, the Common Core and new testing, the state leadership has likened it to building a plane in the air. Cut scores anchored to ridiculously high performance on the SAT caused proficiency scores to plummet. Students, often in tears, rushed to finish tests that were too difficult and too long. The Common Core Algebra modules are still not finished, even though teachers must teach the course to students now.”
King’s response to the outpouring from parents and teachers was to cancel the rest of the series of hearings. His rationale, quoted in a local news article, “The disruptions caused by the ‘special interests’ have deprived parents of the opportunity to listen, ask questions, and offer comments.”
Marginalizing Dissent Is Not The Answer
Regarding teachers and parents, and their students and children, as “special interests” to be marginalized or ignored seems less than a workable plan for the Common Core’s success.
The real “special interests” who appear to be running the Common Core show are, in fact, not at all invisible to teachers and parents witnessing the battle over the Core’s roll out. Writing for Politico, Stephanie Simon and Nirvi Shah recently revealed, “Tens of millions of dollars are pouring into the battle over the Common Core.”
“Think tanks and advocacy groups” cited in the article, not teachers and parents, are using their money to engineer the debate, while all us little people need to figure out how we can “earn our place at the table,” at least according to a prominent operative from one of the very think tanks pushing the reform agenda.
If you’re a fan of the Common Core, these are not the people you want to see running the show: public officials and policy makers who refuse to embrace input from teachers and parents, pundits and philanthropists who continue to treat education as their pet cause, and businesses and entrepreneurs who are only in it for the money.
They had their shot running previous versions of “reform,” and they blew it.
We don’t need that kind of “reform” again. Instead, heed the voices from classrooms and communities – critics and all. Then, and only then, does any sort of positive way forward have a chance to succeed.